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Hubert "Skip" Humphrey III, Democratic senate candidate speaking at the Minnesota Press Club in Minneapolis. Humphrey talked on central American policy. He also answered audience questions on that and other issues.

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(00:00:00) Alright this noon. We are going to present a talk given recently at the Minnesota Press Club by Minnesota attorney general Hubert Humphrey the third I'm free. As you know is seeking the dfl endorsement this summer to run for the US senate seat now held by Republican Dave durenberger Humphrey is considered by political analysts as a shoo-in for the endorsement and dfl nomination. But the most recent public opinion polls show him trailing Senator durenberger. Skip Humphrey was first elected to the Attorney General's office in 1982. He won re-election in 1986 prior to his election to the Statewide office Humphrey served in the Minnesota state senate from 1972 to 83. He spoke to the Press Club audience about Central American policy here is US Senate hopeful Hubert Humphrey the third (00:00:49) I'm pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today about United States policy towards Central America and to tell you why I think it ought to be changed. The Reagan Administration Central American policy has lost the support of the American people and for good reason it has failed to advance the interests of the United States and it has harmed the people of Central America. It has (00:01:14) betrayed our country's highest ideals. Today as I speak to you. (00:01:20) We have neither a clear policy nor one which is accepted by Congress or the American people. It is a policy aimed (00:01:29) at preserving the status (00:01:30) quo misguided by a Messianic mission of rooting out Communists and implemented in a unilateral fashion the (00:01:38) destroys any sense of (00:01:40) mutual International (00:01:41) responsibility. Just look at what has happened in (00:01:45) Nicaragua in Nicaragua. The fighting has stopped but the (00:01:50) administration spokesman have greeted the ceasefire with open disappointment not relief, the administration's attempt to overthrow. The government of Nicaragua by force has failed. In Panama, the Administration has supported a military strongman who is Chief interest has been turning (00:02:09) Panama into a pipeline for moving (00:02:11) drugs into the United States. The Administration has sought to exercise military and political control over Central America but has been unwilling to take responsibility for the fate of the people who live in that region (00:02:29) instead. They Allied themselves (00:02:31) with brutal Elites who used the United States support to (00:02:35) maintain domination over their own people (00:02:38) that policy is futile. That policy is morally bankrupt and that policy has hurt the United States and it has hurt, Minnesota. That policy took the Minnesota National Guard to Honduras and made them part of an effort to intimidate Nicaragua an action that we are still challenging in the (00:02:59) federal courts (00:03:01) that policy wasted money money that could have been put to constructive use. We have spent the Treasures of the United States on military aid in country after country and almost nothing comparatively to Foster the values we cherish. That policy has undercut our ability to lead elsewhere in the world by mining harbors and ignoring jurors, the jurisdiction of the world Court. We have undermined the rule of law in a headlong pursuit of the Reagan agenda. Ultimately, this administration's policy corrupted the very men charged with carrying it out. They convince themselves that they were above the law that they had the right the duty to subvert the basis of our constitutional government. (00:03:51) In the end (00:03:53) what an irony this administration's policy helped open the way for farm for a far more dangerous Invasion than the sandinistas ever intended The Invasion that drug dealers have Unleashed on the United States. Now don't misunderstand me. I'm not blaming Central Americans for our drug problem the source of that problem lies here at home. But now we are learning that this law-and-order Administration was looking the other way when it's so called anti communist allies were supplying crack houses right here in Minneapolis. They Justified this policy by citing the much abused term National Security. Truly what wh Auden once said applies here when it comes to Central America. This has been a low dishonest decade in the history of our foreign policy. This Administration Central American policy has failed because the American people have not understood and supported it and because it has defied Central American reality. This region is exploding after centuries of Oppression and exploitation poverty their reaches extremes. We can barely comprehend in Guatemala Honduras and El Salvador infant mortality rates are roughly seven times that of the United States. Over sixty percent of the people in these countries cannot read or write and per capita annual income in these nations is about six hundred and eighty dollars and only a small percentage of the population owned most of the arable land. A change is coming. We cannot stop it and we should not be trying to stop it change is what is most needed if we are to have peace in Central America Central Americans want democracy human rights and social and economic Justice. With the Reagan about what the Reagan Administration has responded to in these demands for change. They have done it by allying them the United States with anyone willing to join its Crusade against communism oligarchs military junta's and drug dealers. Those alliances have blocked real progress on real human concerns. What is needed now is a new policy one based on different principles? the task we face is to protect our security interest in Central America while still doing all we can to Aid the forces working for peaceful change in the region each complements the other We cannot ignore the explosive pressure that misery and Injustice creates. We cannot protect our own interests from the force of the explosion that is coming that has come unless we Define those interests more precisely. And we cannot pursue a successful Central American policy if that policy is not understood and accepted by the people of the United States devising such a policy won't be easy. There are at least two reasons for this first there are important differences between the Nations and peoples of Central America. They have much in common, but we cannot hope to find one simple formula that will solve all of their problems. Secondly we have to realize that the people in the United States have different goals for Central America to some it's solely a matter of our national security. To others it's primarily an issue of Human Rights. In my own case, I believe strongly that the United States must not allow the Soviet Union to establish military bases in Central America. We will not allow that to happen at the same time. I believe that the United States must align itself with the aspirations of millions of central Americans who seek land reform education Medical Care freedom from hunger and real Economic Opportunity. Those aren't revolutionary demands. Those are reasonable expectations of Ordinary People. Now these two goals are not in Conflict. We can preserve our own security without aligning ourselves with death squads crackpot generals or drug dealers. We don't need allies of that sort. We're stronger than that, and we're better than that. Real stability real peace real security can only be built on progress toward real social justice and economic (00:08:38) reform. (00:08:40) We need a policy that will protect the legitimate security interests of the United States without betraying American ideals and that will balance on the one hand our desire to help people who are seeking freedom justice and economic progress with on the other hand are need to respect the independence of sovereign Nations and meet our obligations under international law. As we look at each Central American Nation and try to balance these basic comparatives. We should keep for General considerations in mind. The first one is let's deal with the security threats we face in this region in the most effective way possible. If we're concerned about the expansion of Soviet power in this hemisphere, let's really go to the source. Let's go to Moscow and tell the Soviet leaders that improve relations between our two countries will never survive if they try to establish bases in Nicaragua or in the rest of the Caribbean. Let's be blunt. If they try to build bases. We will stop them General Secretary Gorbachev raise this issue at the December Summit and it came up in meetings that I held during my visit to January in to Moscow in January. But so far the Administration has ignored this opportunity to talk about one of our most important security concerns. We should begin serious talks with the Soviet Union and with Nicaragua aimed at a permanent settlement that will protect our real security interests. We can assure the direct military aggression by Nicaragua or any other power will fail we can do this under the terms of existing treaty Arrangements covering Central America. Now, of course the best guarantees against subversion are the kinds of changes that you the United States policy must begin to support real democracy Land Reform tax reform and protection of Human Rights and so many other human concerns. We don't need the support of the contrast or tinhorn dictators to deal with the threat of Soviet expansion. Second we must give strong support to the Arias peace plan all of the Arias peace plan (00:11:04) so far. We've applied one standard to Nicaragua (00:11:07) and another to Guatemala Honduras and El Salvador that double standard lies at the heart of our Central American policy and constitutes its basic flaw. Our obsession with maintaining the status quo has focused our attention on violations of democratic ideals committed by the left and has blinded us to crimes committed by the right. The least we can do is to refrain from making the situation worse. Let's stop aiding armies and police forces that use the arms. We give them to terrorize their own people and for goodness sakes, let's stop conspiring with drug dealers. We don't need allies like that. They're the enemy Third we must align ourselves with all Central Americans who want peaceful change social and economic Justice and real Freedom. If we recognize that we have the power we need to deal with any Soviet threat in the region ourselves. We free ourselves to deal with the real problems of Central America health education poverty and inequality that part of the world needs roads schools hospitals and assistance for small business far more than it needs guns. When was the last time that you saw our president go on network television and demand 100 million dollars for a program to support Land Reform or medical assistance in Latin America? I simply cannot understand why humanitarian Aid is treated as an afterthought while military aid is the norm in the end real security requires investment in human beings not war machines. I tell you that if we help these people meet their basic needs if we help them build a broad based economy. If you show them that the United States wants to help them do what they want to do with their own societies than communism will not win in Central America. (00:13:13) Fourth (00:13:14) we must deal compassionately with all Central Americans who have fled to the United States out of fear for their lives again, when dealing with refugees, we must not apply double standards. We can and should provide safe haven for people fleeing communist rule, (00:13:32) but we must also (00:13:33) offer Sanctuary to people trying to escape the Tyranny and violence of the authoritarian, right? Now, let's look at our relations with various Central American nations in this region. In Nicaragua, the fighting has finally stopped and the nicaraguans are talking to one another about their nation's future. We must not have struck that process covertly or overtly. We must encourage it more specifically we must not tempt the contras to break off negotiation and resume the war with Promises of Aid instead. We need to open negotiations with the Nicaraguan government on the security issues that concern us most no more Contra Aid none. In Honduras, we have an obligation to help Hondurans deal with the contras whom we have armed and whose basis we have built on Honduran soil. We must stop using Honduras as a pawn in our confrontation with Nicaragua that policy is Wrecking long-term constructive relations between our countries and surely we can find another jungle in which to train the Minnesota National Guard and we can show more respect for Honduran sovereignty than we did two weeks ago in the Mata case. If we're going to demand that others observe the rule of law, we have to set better examples by ourselves. In El Salvador the US must quit aiding those who organized and led the death squads the decision the decision of whether we continue all future Aid should be made in the context of progress in negotiations under the Arias plan. If we begin to cut off Aid that cutoff may prompt the Salvadorian right to offer peace terms to its opponents that they can accept but such an aid cut off might also trigger a new round of violence that has already ripped apart Salvadorian Society. So before we make this decision, we must talk to the salvadorians. We most want to help with representatives of trade unions peasant cooperatives with human rights activists with church people who have worked for peace and Reconciliation. It will be their lives that it will be their lives that our policy (00:16:01) will place at (00:16:02) risk. We must ask them how we can help them achieve our common goals and then be guided by what they say unless they tell us that further Aid is necessary to prevent violence and hardship. I will oppose continued Aid In Guatemala, we have less leverage and fewer options, but we have some potential allies to there are people in president psoriasis democratically elected government who (00:16:33) want to land reform and tax reform and (00:16:36) who are committed to real distributive justice and protection of Human Rights. They deserve our support in their struggle against the (00:16:45) military authorities who protect Guatemala's (00:16:48) Elite. And then there's Panama the scene of our latest Central American crisis. Now here too. We won't find any easy answers understand me. I detest General Noriega. I won't let him ship drugs to Minnesota and I'm committed to the defense of the (00:17:07) Panama Canal. At the same time. (00:17:10) However, I am convinced that in the end. The people of Panama will have to decide how Panama will be governed. (00:17:19) We won't solve Panama's problems or are owned (00:17:22) by stage managing a coup that replaces one general for another probably one of his faithful subordinates. Nor will we advance our long-term security interests in Panama or in Latin America (00:17:36) as a whole by (00:17:38) destroying the Panamanian economy and impoverishing the people or by tearing up the Panama Canal treaty that the Senate ratified in 1979. We can legitimately demand that the government of Panama respect its treaty obligations, but we cannot assume that we (00:17:57) have the right much less the responsibility (00:18:00) to choose who will rule Panama if we try to make that choice and impose it on the people. We will (00:18:07) ultimately create more problems for them and for (00:18:10) ourselves. I've heard too many people refer to Central America as our backyard. Well, they forget we don't own Central America. It's not ours. It's not our backyard. It's part of our neighborhood. If we are to be good neighbors, we must share responsibility for what goes on in the Western Hemisphere with all the other people who live here in our neighborhood, too. We do have some special responsibilities in this neighborhood because compared to the nation's and Central America. The United States is a very wealthy neighbor. We have a special responsibility to help Central Americans become whatever they want to become and make no mistake about it doing that is an altruism. It's in our very best interest for ourselves. We have our own ideals and we're proud of them and will defend them, but we will not use Force to impose them on other people. That's feudal and it's wrong. The people of the United States have the right to shape their own of Central America have the right to shape their own future we can best help them by living up to our own ideals and by working together through International cooperation. This ultimately requires a deep moral commitment on our part. Remember the blessing is not for the peace thinkers, or the peace talkers blessed are the peace (00:19:44) makers (00:19:45) we will never convince the people of Central America or the rest of the world that we stand for democracy unless we proved through our actions that we are committed to real peaceful social and economic reform. Our policy in Central America cannot succeed unless we Embrace a future (00:20:05) that holds out real hope for the people of Central America. That's where our best hope lies (00:20:12) to. Thank you very much. Minnesota attorney general and US Senate candidate Hubert Humphrey the third speaking last week to a meeting of the Minnesota Press Club following those prepared remarks the candidate took questions from members of the Press Club audience the first dealt with u.s. Support for Central American regimes, which ship drugs to the United States and on the sanctions imposed by the Reagan Administration on Panama. (00:20:41) Well, first of all, we have to understand how we got into this mess. This has been a policy and a failed policy for many years. It appears as though now with Senator Kerry's investigations and others that this Administration has followed a policy for many years, which has tied the allowance of drugs to be moved and develop a pipeline back to the United States in the process of its efforts to fight to a apparently what it sees as communism or whatever else around the area. So we're in a mess right at this point. I think the sanctions that are taking place right now are essential they're not pleasant, but we have to understand that a key security interest is involved here. We need to let the nations of Central America Noel All Nations understand that we (00:21:32) will not allow our country to be invaded by drug (00:21:35) dealers that we've got to take direct action and they need to (00:21:39) understand that very clearly. But having said that what we need to do is then (00:21:43) go forward with a positive program that brings together the nations of this area and frankly in other parts of the world also to develop a positive plan of enforcement against drug movements. And in addition, we need to develop longer-range economic programs that we can endorse and support that will (00:22:06) even remove the economic need for (00:22:09) peasants and farmers in that (00:22:11) area to even produce (00:22:13) coca leaves. It's got to be a long-range program, but it Be unilateral the (00:22:17) problem that we've had in this Administration is it it feels it can just swashbuckle anywhere it wants to around this (00:22:23) world and and they haven't taken a look at what the long-range consequences are of that kind of policy. So I think we need to make sure that we're we're working on long-range program with a clear understanding to everyone and particularly Panama that we will not allow this kind of drug movement any more towards our country and if that means removal of individuals that they will have to come to grips with (00:22:49) that. The next questioner asked Humphrey who he thinks might someday replace Manuel Noriega as the real leader of Panama. I am not aware of any (00:23:00) particular plan for replacing one person or another (00:23:03) that's not our position. See that's (00:23:05) the wrong approach and the wrong attitude for those who would say that as I clearly stated in my formal remarks. It is not our role Nora responsibility. Decide who will govern Panama what we need to do. Our responsibility is to (00:23:20) make very clear to Panama and Nicaragua (00:23:23) Honduras and El Salvador to what the whole (00:23:26) world. What are those vital security interests that we will hold at stake and I don't believe we made that clear enough for them to understand. (00:23:35) In fact, we compromised some in order to deal with whatever. Mr. Noriega was supposed to be doing on behalf of this country. We've allowed him to move drugs back and forth (00:23:48) and I guess I would just dare say that I'm absolutely opposed (00:23:51) to then fact. I want to know what in the heck the Senate intelligence committee knew about it what they should have known about it, perhaps what they did know about it and I'd like to know who the what the former chairman knew about that. So I'd say that there's a there's a lot of area there that needs to be covered now. Secondly, you said (00:24:09) what should we be doing about this drug problem? There (00:24:12) are two pronged attack number one on the home front. (00:24:16) We Are Soldiers (00:24:17) we are the front line soldiers in this business we have to change we have to come to grips in our own Society with the hard question of why (00:24:26) do people want to use the and abuse these (00:24:28) drugs in the first place whether it's alcohol (00:24:31) or the illegal drug use (00:24:33) and we need to rectify those circumstances that caused that (00:24:36) use secondly we need to change in attitude. We absolutely have to shut down the demand side here in the (00:24:43) United States. But in order to do that, we also have to have a coordinated program (00:24:49) National international national state and local in terms of enforcement of stopping the drugs from coming in in the first place. And the (00:24:58) first thing I'd like to see is get the rest of those Coast Guard ships that are up on Dry Dock out into the ocean and having some (00:25:06) interdiction. The facts are that we haven't had an Administration would even (00:25:09) support those kinds of proposals. That's an appropriate military expenditure. So we've got to have a (00:25:16) Strong powerful interdiction (00:25:18) program we've got to be talking with these governments. It is not enough for now. Mr. Ed Meese to run around as of late as it becomes (00:25:28) popularly known as a (00:25:29) crisis to now Shore up the problems. (00:25:31) I'm glad that the Attorney General is down there talking with Bolivian others now, but where in the heck were they five six seven ten years ago. This is the kind of program that needs to have its Dual side and it is a war we need to allocate the resources as we would in a war and we need to understand and we need to let everyone know that we are going to win this war on both sides an audience member observed that there have been some significant drug raids in recent weeks in the United States and wanted Humphries opinion on whether the drug dealers are finally being bankrupted. (00:26:03) Not that I know of I think the significant amounts that we've had almost come up to 10 percent of the volume that's moving through We have got major major problems. And that's why this has got to be a attack all the way across the board. But we've also got to turn off the Demand right here at home and we can do that through a combination of enforcement plus an attitudinal change. That's what our alliance against drugs at. The Attorney. General's office is all about and we've seen some success about that. We're going to make that kind of change but it's going to take a longer period of time and we're going to head just have to keep at it. Yes, sir. (00:26:41) Imagine going directly to the Union in dealing with Soviet bases in Central America. How would you deal with Cuban (00:26:49) basis? Well, I think that there's nothing wrong with negotiating there either in some respects, but I don't want to see any basis as I said, we will not have basis like that. I would think that that would (00:27:04) probably be the same set of circumstances since one really is tied very directly to the other. (00:27:10) I see no reason why we would allow Cuban basis to take place in that (00:27:15) area. But again, we've got to be very clear on what our security interests are and then we ought to deal directly. We ought to go to (00:27:24) Nicaragua and (00:27:24) negotiate we ought to have verifiable agreements so that we know for sure for ourselves that they're not being violated, you know, there's it's like going to any negotiating table know very clearly and let your opposition know exactly what your interests are and then (00:27:40) talk. (00:27:42) And that's what we need to do instead we trample around and push around and we lose our friends in the long run that way we've got to begin respecting the sovereignty of (00:27:54) Nations and the sovereignty of people (00:27:57) then someone asked Humphrey how he would recommend taking the profit out of drug dealing and why he doesn't debate Senator durenberger on the tie-in between Central America and drugs. (00:28:08) I will confront him anywhere anytime and if you can get him here, I'd love it. He's turned me down also often. It's unbelievable one of these days we will find the real Dave durenberger and he will actually stand up and we will have a debate and yes, sir. I will ask those questions because I want to know and I think the people of the United States and the people of Minnesota want to know what did you know? What didn't you know, what should you have known? What were the actions that should have been taken? It's obvious. This is a serious concern that needs to be addressed and discussed secondly about taking the profit out of (00:28:42) This business (00:28:43) there's two ways. You don't have a market. There's no profit. So what we got to do is I said shut down the demand number to make sure that anyone who is getting into this business understands that there are extremely high risks getting involved with it. And that's where the strong law (00:29:01) enforcement comes in. (00:29:02) We have to (00:29:03) take full solid action all the way along the line. (00:29:06) We've got to beef up our border Patrol's we've got to establish Cooperative relations with these nations so that we can work together to eradicate the problem. It's no good for them. Either, you know cocaine doesn't discriminate it can ruin people's lives in (00:29:21) Colombia just as easily as (00:29:22) here. And so we've got to we've got to make sure that we're working hard both ways, but I think you got to shut down that demand and you (00:29:30) got to make it very very risky for anybody that's taking it long prison terms or whatever the next question dealt with how the economic incentives for Central American Drug Growers might be reduced. Well, I think in any one of these countries what we need to do (00:29:45) is we need to develop an overall economic. I'll make development plan with them cooperatively so that we can have we can develop markets and we can develop alternative kinds of crops in which they can make a living while at the same time not destroying our own marketplaces. That's (00:30:06) not easy. That's what I said being a peacemaker isn't always the easiest. It's pretty easy to talk about it but to do it to get down into the right there at the table and to get (00:30:15) down there on the ground and make it happen is difficult. But I think if we begin the process of starting to deal with that if we had developed an economic plan, yes indeed, we can probably find an alternative I would agree with you that if if a Colombian farmer has the choice between growing coca leaves and having his children starve. It's not much of a choice. (00:30:35) What we've got to do (00:30:36) is make sure that there is an alternative that's both the for our protection as well as for the benefit of the individuals (00:30:42) there Minnesota attorney general Hubert Humphrey the third who's running for the United States Senate this fall he speaking at the Minnesota Press Club last week taking questions and answers here about Central America policy the topic of his address member of the Press Club audience asked him free how the drug problem has changed over time. (00:31:03) Well, I think first of all it has taken on a whole different nature in the last several years, we have to understand that right now the United States of America is the recipient of over 60% of the illegal drug traffic in the world. So we are the marketplace and that is very different than what it's been secondly just the nature of the drugs have changed crack is now available right on the street at a reasonable price or I don't wouldn't you want to say reasonable? But let's call it low lower price used to cost you a hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars to get cocaine crack you can get for 25 bucks. So all of a sudden it is much more available and third I think there has been some Dent some of the effort that is taking place has has been helpful, but it doesn't help at all in one year to appropriate a billion dollars and then the next year while the language of the federal budget of the president's budget says to continue a strong effort on interdiction of drugs to actually cut back by half a billion dollars. The amount of appropriation that is recommended and then now to try and raise it up and say okay now we're going after him because somebody caught us for not Being consistent what we (00:32:20) need as I said is to (00:32:22) wage a war and that means (00:32:23) to weigh in to understand that there will be sacrifices war is not pleasant on any side. But in order to win we (00:32:31) have to put ourselves hard core right there on the line and understand that we're going to take this on and we're going to win (00:32:38) someone wanted Humphries opinion on how the United States could encourage democracy and Central American countries. (00:32:45) What we need to do is support the people support building up their lives giving them the same opportunity that we want to give for ourselves. And when we do that, we will support I think the right forces that will Foster democracy democracy is always a delicate balance and it is extremely difficult to have democracy when you're hungry when you have no land when you have no sense of having a part or a share in the society when you're ostracized out you can't really feel much like a Democrat with a small D. Therefore. I think what we need to do is establish ongoing programs that will Foster the development economically and socially of the kind of justice that will allow for that reform that peaceful reform if that means that we are in a sense helping the opposition groups fine, but I think we've got another affirmative action. How come we're passing around all these weapons all around this do they really need all those guns in order to make themselves secure from everybody else? I think what's happening is we're seeing ourselves producing a nice Marketplace for a certain part of the industry in this country. And I think we've got to begin through negotiation through a (00:34:05) mutual unknown mutually agreed-upon security Arrangements (00:34:10) throughout the Central American area to reduce the amount of weapons in flow. We can do that. We it's going to be tough. We got to negotiate we got to have a sense amongst each one of the countries that that there is a sense of security. That's where I think the Arias plan Begins by trying to develop some of these things and we should support the Arias peace plan rather than standing aside and actually being antagonistic to it. We ought to be standing up and saying this is right and then you know, it's kind of you know, you almost ought to take it for granted but the facts are we do have the OAS and we do have the United Nations what's wrong with using some of our International forums to develop some of these (00:34:55) Programs another questioner asked Humphrey where the money would come from to finance the programs that might help improve the lives of the citizens in Central American (00:35:04) countries. I don't have a specific number. I know that there's been certain commission's that have said one or another I believe mr. Kissinger had one that had several billions of dollars. I don't want to say that there is a pie in the sky out there in which we can draw this from but I am sure that if we can reduce the amount of resources that are going into weapons and into funding of contras that we might very well be able to at least do that kind of effort as I said, how about a president it stood up and (00:35:40) said, I want a hundred million dollars in the kind of Aid that (00:35:43) would be for hospitals and for education and for healthcare and those kinds of things so I think there's a way that we can move forward on that again. I think that's something (00:35:54) that we need to Scoffs with our neighbors (00:35:58) and they have to understand that we're in a bit of a serious situation in a precarious position because of this administration's Financial efforts, but you have to look at why we're there were there in that particular situation because we have borrowed from everybody else to pay for our big military hardware build up and now we're in a very difficult situation. I think there are some things that we can do and do immediately to reduce that terrible deficit and the debt but I think it's not going to be easy and I'm not here to tell you that there's going to be just lots and lots and lots of that money there can be some if we change our priorities if we begin to emphasize the programs and the suggestions that I have stated right now, but if we continue to decide we're going to fund Star Wars if we're going to continue to buy b-1b bombers and all the rest. We're going to have a difficult time. (00:36:56) The next question from the Minnesota press club dealt with how the United States might settle its differences with Iran and the various groups that support terrorism around the world. (00:37:06) Are you talk to Ayatollah is how you talk to terrorists who take 747s and who feel that it they'd be far better off if they were dead rather than alive. I'm not sure. Those are the kind of situations that that we have to come to grips with one of the ways. Maybe we talked with the Ayatollah is to continue our efforts in working with the Soviets and if we can come to some terms with the Soviets and cutting off military aid to both Iran and Iraq, maybe the squeeze will force some of these people while they are still on this Earth to come to grips with the rest of us that are on this Earth. Sometimes you have to take those actions again, you know in each one of these countries both in Central America and That's where we have to understand that first. We need to know what our goals and our policies are but then we have to apply them pragmatically the circumstances that you find in any given situation and throughout the world is not it's not always similar. You can't just as I say have that one simple answer and that's unfortunately what this Administration has. Hope to try and do its looked at these questions from an ideological point of view and is tried to find out which ones are the commies and which ones aren't and then said we know which ones are our friends and that isn't true. What we are for is for freedom for lifting up people for the principles that we believe in our democracy and for allowing people to have their own determine self-determination and we ought to understand that that doesn't doesn't always come in nice. Neatly packaged sets of individuals and groups. So what we've got to do is apply our principles and our policy pragmatically and understand clearly what our interests are (00:38:54) an audience member then asked you burped up for the third about us relations with El Salvador El Salvador is a very very (00:39:01) difficult situation very difficult situation from all that. I have understood and have read about and have listened to individuals. We need to we need to hear very clearly where those who are trying to seek a peaceful resolution in that country believe we ought to go. We need to listen to the trade unions. We need to listen to those other individuals that I've indicated in my formal remarks. For we take any of this action, but I firmly believe we've got to send the message that it is time for us to come to those tables. Now, maybe you know, sometimes you have to you have to press hard and long for that and sometimes you don't make much progress. It takes a long time sometimes to get people to get to the table. And then as we know from our own paths that many times you'll spend years figuring out whether it should be square or circular. We have just got to (00:39:55) exercise the determined patience and persistence (00:39:59) that will try and reach the goals that we're trying to achieve which are (00:40:06) understanding clearly our security (00:40:07) interests and secondly rising up and solving peacefully the people's problems and letting that change occur (00:40:15) peacefully someone at the Minnesota Press Club asked Humphrey about his views on immigration and if he would change the quotas that are allowed from different countries. (00:40:25) Well, obviously we have our immigration laws and we Quotas, but what I'm saying is I want to see those laws applied and administered fairly without a dual standard. I mean if you're someone who's trying to get out of the Soviet Union or an Eastern Bloc country, I guarantee you they'll find a way to find a reason political safety and the rest to keep you here, but somehow or another if you're trying to escape from El Salvador where your life is threatened or if from Guatemala, you don't get the same standard applied. Well, I think we ought to have that same standard applied now, I don't know whether that opens up the gates so to speak I don't think it does. I think those standards are pretty strict. And I think that they can be reviewed strictly, but the facts are that we're not dealing with people in the same way from from different areas and we should be and we should provide the protection for those who have their lives threatened because of their political (00:41:25) actions and the last question. Out with us policy in the Persian Gulf remember now that skip Humphrey made his Minnesota Press Club appearance the very day the u.s. Announced its strike on Iranian oil platforms last (00:41:38) week. I do not present support the present policy and the Persian Gulf. I think we definitely here is a perfect example of where we need to share the burden of the defense of the Western World of the Free World with our with our allies. The oil that is being protected in its movements through the Persian Gulf are European is European oil and is Bound for European markets here is where we ought to have a clear understanding of that burden sharing that's not only fiscally prudent. I think that is quite appropriate from a policy and a strategic policy standpoint. Finally. I guess I would say that I do believe the president's action in initiating this morning attack was at least positive in that he consulted with Congress. And I understand from Majority Leader Birds office at this is the first time in seven and a (00:42:32) half years that he consulted with Congress before he took the action (00:42:36) now, I can't tell you. What is the best kind of action to take because I don't know what the options were, but I think we ought to be very very clear and I want to clear as I stand as a candidate for the United States Senate where there is action that places. (00:42:51) Our forces are people In Harm's Way, we (00:42:56) will take action to make sure that that will never happen again. But once again, look at what we've done we took the quick action of going to the golf without thinking through the consequences and now we are there and now we are reaping some of the very difficult consequences. We (00:43:12) did the same thing when we put the Marines on the sandy beaches of Lebanon. Everybody knows that if you're going to go to a beach with the Marines you go up the hill you don't stop on the beach. We shouldn't have been there in the first (00:43:25) place with them. So that's the problem of having (00:43:29) this quick swashbuckling kind of policy that says we can walk all over the world with our armed forces and now we find ourselves in this very difficult situation, but (00:43:40) having said that I think those that are not going to be our friends better understand that there will be swift (00:43:46) reprisal. Thank you very much. Democratic Senate candidate Hubert Humphrey the third in a recent appearance at the Minnesota Press Club in Minneapolis. He spoke to the group on Central American policy answering questions on that. And as you heard some other issues to 15 minutes now before one o'clock, this is midday on Minnesota Public Radio. This incidentally will be rebroadcast in Minneapolis st. Paul area on ksjn 1330 AM tonight.

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